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@ -93,9 +93,7 @@ With an increasingly adopted approach in recent years, with rigorous dichotomy o
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## Inclusion criteria
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Concise narrowing criteria are applied to restrict the sample to studies looking at
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i) the effects of individual evidence-based policy measures or intervention initiatives
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ii) attempting to address a single or multiple of the defined inequalities in the world of work.
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Concise narrowing criteria are applied to restrict the sample to studies looking at i) the effects of individual evidence-based policy measures or intervention initiatives ii) attempting to address a single or multiple of the defined inequalities in the world of work.
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iii) using appropriate quantitative methods to examine the links of intervention and impact on the given inequalities.
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The narrowing process makes use of the typology of inequalities, of forms of work, and of policy areas introduced above as its criteria.
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@ -138,15 +136,7 @@ ultimately resulting in the process represented in the PRISMA chart in @fig-pris
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```
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All relevant data concerning both their major findings and statistical significance are then extracted from the individual studies into a collective results matrix.
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The results to be identified in the matrix include a study's:
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i) key outcome measures (dependent variables),
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ii) main findings,
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iii) main policy interventions (independent variables),
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iv) study design and sample size,
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v) dataset and methods of evaluation,
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vi) direction of relation and level of representativeness,
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vii) level of statistical significance,
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viii) main limitations.
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The results to be identified in the matrix include a study's: i) key outcome measures (dependent variables), ii) main findings, iii) main policy interventions (independent variables), iv) study design and sample size, v) dataset and methods of evaluation, vi) direction of relation and level of representativeness, vii) level of statistical significance, viii) main limitations.
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```{python}
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from src.model import prisma
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@ -408,13 +398,13 @@ also generally indicating a propensity towards uneven redistributive policies.[^
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[^alexious-rightwing]: The study observes a positive association between right-leaning governments and income inequality, whereas centrists exhibit varied outcomes, hinting at possible inconsistencies in their redistributive strategies. However, the study can not directly identify the causal factors within these relationships.
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@Ahumada2023, taking the opposite approach,
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explore how imbalanced political power distributions affect the availability and strength of collective labour rights.[^ahumada-approach]
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explore how imbalanced political power distributions affect the availability and strength of collective labor rights.[^ahumada-approach]
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Generally, they concur that contexts characterized by significant power disparities weaken opportunities for collective bargaining,
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primarily due to either more restricted or disregarded labour rights coupled with less deeply rooted trade unionism.
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In contrast, well establishes unionism curtails employers' lobbying efforts and make them susceptible to governments' divide-and-conquer strategies,
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being more separate and less coordinated.
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[^ahumada-approach]: The study employs a mix of quantitative global comparisons and qualitative analyses more specifically focused on Argentina and Chile. Thus, the strong institutional context of the two countries provides an analytical background which makes its qualitative analysis more difficult to generalize the quantitative findings.
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[^ahumada-approach]: The study employes a mix of quantitative global comparisons and qualitative analyses more specifically focused on Argentina and Chile. Thus, the strong institutional context of the two countries provides an analytical background which makes its qualitative analysis more difficult to generalize the quantitative findings.
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Focusing on the intersection between collective organisation and gender more specifically,
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@Dieckhoff2015 examine the influence of trade unionisation on gender inequalities within European labour markets.
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@ -761,7 +751,7 @@ a severely restricted generalizability due to the reform characteristics being s
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[^pi-skilled-unskilled]: It uses skilled-unskilled inequality instead of rural-urban inequalities since the real wages of the rural sector are already much lower in China,
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making comparisons along the 9th to 10th decile ratios more difficult.
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[^hukou]: The hukou system generally denotes a permission towards either rural land-ownership and agricultural subsidies for the rural hukou or social welfare benefits and employment possibilities for the urban hukou, and children of migrants often have to go back to their place of registered residence for their college entrance examination. This study looks at reforms undoing some of the restrictions under the system.
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[^hukou]: The hukou system generally denotes a permission towards either rural land-ownership and agricultural subsidies for the rural hukou or social welfare benefits and employment possibilities for the urban hukou, and children of migrants often have to go back to their place of registered residence for their college entrance examination. This study looks at reforms undoing some of the restrictions under the sytem.
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@Suh2017 examines the effects of education-focused policies specifically on married women's employment in South Korea,
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finding that they significantly increase their employment probability, as well reiterating an overall negative correlation between female labour force participation with income inequality.
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@ -826,133 +816,6 @@ and their negative reinforcement effects widening existing inequalities of gende
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## Agency factors
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{{< portrait >}}
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::: {#tbl-findings-agency}
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```{python}
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# | label: tbl-findings-agency
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from src.model import validity
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from src.model.validity import strength_for # Careful: ruff org imports will remove
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findings_agency = pd.read_csv(f"{g.SUPPLEMENTARY_DATA}/findings-agency.csv")
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fd_df = validity.add_to_findings(findings_agency, df_by_intervention)
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outp = Markdown(
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tabulate(
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fd_df[
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[
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"area of policy",
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"internal_validity",
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"external_validity",
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"findings",
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"channels",
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]
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].fillna(""),
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showindex=False,
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headers=[
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"area of policy",
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"internal strength",
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"external strength",
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"main findings",
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"channels",
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],
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tablefmt="grid",
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)
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)
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del findings_agency, fd_df
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outp # type: ignore[ReportUnusedExpression]
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```
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Note: Each main finding is presented with an internal strength of evidence and an external strength of evidence which describe the combined validities of the evidence base for the respective finding.
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Validities are segmented to a weak (-) evidence base under a validity ranking of `{python} strength_for(r"\+")`,
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evidential (+) from `{python} strength_for(r"\+")` and under `{python} strength_for(r"\++")` and strong evidence base (++) for `{python} strength_for(r"\++")` and above.
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Summary of main findings for agency-based policies
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:::
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{{< landscape >}}
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### Occupational segregation and social exclusion
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@Emigh2018 evaluate the effects of direct state transfers to people in poverty in the post-socialist market transition economies of Hungary, Romania and Bulgaria,
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finding that overall direct transfer levels on their own are, while beneficial against absolute poverty in the short-term,
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often too small to eliminate long-term adverse effects of market transitions.
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The study identified short-term poverty-eliminating effects, consistent with an institutionalist perspective,
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though, also consistent with what the study terms the 'underclass' perspective,
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these benefits providing having no overarching impacts on the deprivations members of disadvantaged groups face.[^emigh-notes]
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While it is missing matching long-term panel data for a solid conclusion the results also suggest little evidence for the neoclassical proposition of welfare dependency being generated.
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[^emigh-notes]: This is especially noteworthy in this context since the study also finds a strong correlation between poverty and socio-demographic characteristics such as low education, larger households and Roma households.
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@Bartha2020 focus on gendered employment inequalities in an observational study on the long-term care policy trajectories of European countries,
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finding that few still fit one of the ideal-type households of male bread-winner, unsupported double-earner, or supported double-earner households.
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No countries fall into the male bread-winner category,
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and only half the countries into either supported double-earner, mostly prevalent in Western Europe and Scandinavia,
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or unsupported double-earner, more prevalent in Southern and Eastern Europe.
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Especially in the latter model women take on more unpaid care work,
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though the prevalence is visible in all models which, the authors' suggest,
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plays an important role in explaining the persistent employment rate gap.[^bartha-notes]
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[^bartha-notes]: With the policies pursued such as pensions, provision of residential/at-home care facilities, regulation and social protection, where female unpaid care work is reducing, the 'familialization' of care work is taken on as cash-for-care work by migrants. While possibly increasing female labour force participation, the study does not find the work sustainable or providing decent work, often remaining poorly regulated, low-paid and reinforcing gender dynamics in migrant communities.
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@Shin2006 specifically focus on the effects of wage-setting or fertility differences for teachers,
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finding that providing relatively higher wages compared to non-teaching processions significantly increases female labour force participation,
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though the strongest predictor remains the possession of an education-focused higher education and higher education in general.
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The presence of a new-born baby also significantly decreases labour force participation, having almost double the effect in teaching professions,
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identifying the low wages minimizing the exit costs as those leaving the labour market experience relatively lower temporary wage losses.[^shin-notes]
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[^shin-notes]: The presence of a new-born baby is not found to have an effect on job choices between teaching and non-teaching, however. The study can not make statements on male teachers due to the data being restricted on female teachers' panel data.
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In a mixed-methods study, @Standing2015 look at the effects of providing UBI for villages in India,
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finding that they generally agree that the intervention significantly reduces household debts,
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but that beyond the monetary benefits it carries 'emancipatory value' increasing economic security and empowerment.
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In a qualitative evaluation the study identifies reduced dependency risks,
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allowing long-term saving, avoidance of new debts, or, if debts have to be incurred, less exploitative forms of borrowing,
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and increasing collective forms of risk taking through reducing the local scarcity of money by infusing it into the community.[^standing-notes]
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[^standing-notes]: The UBI reduces dependency risk primarily to lenders with high associated fees (through allowing repayment of existing debts) and not having to work for the lender directly (or provide part of wages). The decreased scarcity also allows a shift to institutionalized saving and thus increased shock event resilience.
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<!-- childcare subsidy -->
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@Clark2019, in an experimental study providing vouchers for childcare to poor women in urban Kenya,
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find similar positive effects on economic empowerment for married mothers through increased employment probability and hours worked.
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For single mothers, while the study sees a negative effect on hours worked, the incomes remain stable,
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suggesting an pre-intervention increased workload compared to married mothers,
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with the intervention providing the ability to shift to jobs with more regular hours instead.[^clark-notes]
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[^clark-notes]: The shift to more regular hours is made possible through childcare provisions where before they may have been incompatible with personal childcare, though the study is restricted to effects within a period of one year, limiting its long-term conclusions.
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@Hojman2019 see similar results in urban Nicaragua,
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where the provision of free childcare significantly increased employment probability of the mothers,
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reflecting the increased parental agency through reducing care work requirements.
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While these results hold regardless of childcare quality,
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for high-quality care there are also significant positive effects on the human capital of children.[^hojman-note]
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[^hojman-note]: These results reflect the same effects on children's human capital as providing external child-care stimuli in @Dustmann2012.
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### Unconscious bias and discriminatory norms
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<!-- TODO should we include hiring / firing patterns of Mun2018? mat laws -->
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@Al-Mamun2014 examine the impacts of micro-finance programme in urban Malaysia on women's economic empowerment,
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finding that the ability to receive collateral-free credit increased female household decision-making and personal economic security.[^almamun-notes]
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The study identifies the increased access to finance but also the establishment of an increased collective agency for the women in organised meetings and trainings
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though the restriction to group loans can negatively affect outcomes through existing obstacles to collective organisation such as racial and socio-demographic barriers.
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[^almamun-notes]: The intervention's collateral-free disbursements are restricted to low-income urban individuals, though not specifically gendered.
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@Field2019 evaluate a more explicitly gendered experimental intervention granting women increased access to their own financial accounts and training,
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finding that short-term the combination increased female labour force participation and long-term increased the acceptance of women working in affected households and significantly increased female hours worked.[^field-notes]
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The intervention took place on the background of the Indian MGNREGS programme which, though ostensibly mandating gender wage parity,
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often risks discouraging female workers or restricting their agency since earned wages are deposited into a single household account ---
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predominantly owned by the male head of household.[^field-mgnregs]
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The study argues for a newly increased bargaining power through having greater control over one's income ultimately reflecting onto local gender norms themselves.
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[^field-mgnregs]: The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, one of the largest redistribution programmes on the household level in the world, entitling each household to up to 100 days of work per year.
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[^field-notes]: The impacts on increased hours worked were concentrated on households where previously women worked relatively lower amounts and with stronger norms against female work, while less constrained households' impacts dissipated over time.
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# Robustness of evidence
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## Output chronology
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