feat(data): Add preliminary extractions for collective action

02-data/processed/prelim/Ahumada2023.yml

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+author: Ahumada, P. P. 
+year: 2023
+title: "Trade union strength, business power, and labor policy reform: The cases of Argentina and Chile in comparative perspective"
+publisher: International Journal of Comparative Sociology
+uri: https://doi.org/10.1177/00207152231163846
+pubtype: article
+discipline: sociology
+
+country: global
+period:
+maxlength:
+targeting:
+group:
+data:
+
+design:
+method:
+sample:
+unit:
+representativeness:
+causal: 0 # 0 correlation / 1 causal
+
+theory:
+limitations:
+observation:
+  - intervention: collective action (unionization)
+    institutional: 1
+    structural: 0
+    agency: 0
+    inequality: income
+    type: # 0 vertical / 1 horizontal
+    indicator: # 0 absolute / 1 relative
+    measures: political power
+    findings: more unequal distribution of 
+    channels:
+    direction: # -1 neg / 0 none / 1 pos
+    significance: # 0 nsg / 1 msg / 2 sg
+
+notes: EXTRACTION HAD TO CODE CLASS POWER INEQUALITY AS INCOME BASED INEQUALITY
+annotation: |
+  A study on the effects of unequal distributions of political power on the extent and provision of collective labour rights.
+  It is a combination of quantitative global comparison with qualitative case studies for Argentina and Chile.
+  It finds that, for societies in which power is more unequally distributed, collective bargaining possibilities are more limited and weaker.
+  It suggests that, aside from a less entrenched trade unionization in the country, the primary channel for the its weakening are that existing collective labour rights are often either restricted or disregarded outright.
+  Employers were restricted in their ability to effectively conduct lobbying, and made more vulnerable to what the authors suggest are 'divide-and-conquer' strategies by government with a strongly entrenched trade unionization, due to being more separate and uncoordinated.
+  A limit is the strong institutional context of the two countries which makes generalizable application of its underlying channels more difficult to the overarching quantitative analysis of inequality outcomes.

02-data/processed/prelim/Alexiou2023.yml

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+author: Alexiou, C., & Trachanas, E. 
+year: 2023
+title: "The impact of trade unions and government party orientation on income inequality: Evidence from 17 OECD economies"
+publisher: Journal of Economic Studies
+uri: https://doi.org/10.1108/JES-12-2021-0612
+pubtype: article
+discipline: economics
+
+country: global
+period:
+maxlength:
+targeting:
+group:
+data:
+
+design:
+method:
+sample:
+unit:
+representativeness:
+causal: # 0 correlation / 1 causal
+
+theory: power resources theory
+limitations: can not account for individual drivers such as collective bargaining, arbitration, etc
+observation:
+  - intervention: collective action (trade unionization)
+    institutional: 1
+    structural: 1
+    agency: 0
+    inequality: income; gender
+    type: # 0 vertical / 1 horizontal
+    indicator: # 0 absolute / 1 relative
+    measures: Gini coeff
+    findings: unionization strongly related with decreasing income inequalityi; right-wing institutional contexts related with increased income inequality
+    channels: redistribution of political power under unions; weak unionization increases post-redistribution inequality
+    direction: # -1 neg / 0 none / 1 pos
+    significance: # 0 nsg / 1 msg / 2 sg
+
+notes:
+annotation: |
+  A study on the effects of both political orientation of governments' parties and a country's trade unionization on its income inequality.
+  It finds that, generally, strong unionization is strongly related to decreasing income inequality, most likely through a redistribution of political power through collective mobilization in national contexts of stronger unions.
+  It also suggests that in contexts of weaker unionization, post-redistribution income inequality is higher, thus also fostering unequal redistributive policies. 
+  Lastly, it finds positive relations between right-wing orientation of a country's government and its income inequality, with more mixed results for centrist governments pointing to potential fragmentations in their redistributive policy approaches.
+  The study is mostly limited in not being able to account for individual drivers (or barriers) and can thus not disaggregate for the effects for example arbitration or collective bargaining.

02-data/processed/prelim/Cardinaleschi2019.yml

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+author: Cardinaleschi, S., De Santis, S., & Schenkel, M. 
+year: 2019
+title: "Effects of decentralised bargaining on gender inequality: Italy"
+publisher: Panoeconomicus
+uri: https://doi.org/10.2298/PAN1903325C
+pubtype: article
+discipline: economics
+
+country: Italy
+period:
+maxlength:
+targeting:
+group:
+data:
+
+design:
+method:
+sample:
+unit:
+representativeness:
+causal: 0 # 0 correlation / 1 causal
+
+theory:
+limitations:
+observation:
+  - intervention: collective action (collective bargaining)
+    institutional: 1
+    structural: 1
+    agency: 0
+    inequality: gender
+    type: 1 # 0 vertical / 1 horizontal
+    indicator: 1 # 0 absolute / 1 relative
+    measures: income shares
+    findings: collective negotiation practices address gender gap marginally significantly; need to be supplemented by policies considering human-capital aspects
+    channels: occupational segregation into feminized industries
+    direction: 1 # -1 neg / 0 none / 1 pos
+    significance: 1 # 0 nsg / 1 msg / 2 sg
+
+notes:
+annotation: |
+  A study on the wage gap in the Italian labour market, looking especially at the effects of collective negotiation practices.
+  It finds that the Italian labour market's wage gap exists primarily due to occupational segregation between the genders, with women often working in more 'feminized' industries, and not due to educational lag by women in Italy.
+  It also finds that collective negotiation practices targeting especially managerial representation and wages do address the gender pay gap, but only marginally significantly.
+  The primary channel for only marginal significance stems from internal heterogeneity in that only the median part of wage distributions is significantly affected by the measures.
+  Instead, the authors recommend a stronger mix of policy approaches, also considering the human-capital aspects with for example active labour-market policies targeting it.

02-data/processed/prelim/Dieckhoff2015.yml

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+author: Dieckhoff, M., Gash, V., & Steiber, N. 
+year: 2015
+title: "Measuring the effect of institutional change on gender inequality in the labour market"
+publisher: Research in Social Stratification and Mobility
+uri: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.rssm.2014.12.001
+pubtype: article
+discipline: sociology
+
+country: global
+period:
+maxlength:
+targeting:
+group:
+data:
+
+design:
+method:
+sample:
+unit:
+representativeness:
+causal:  # 0 correlation / 1 causal
+
+theory:
+limitations: averaged across national contexts may obscure specific insights
+observation:
+  - intervention: collective action (unionization)
+    institutional: 0
+    structural: 1
+    agency: 0
+    inequality: gender
+    type: # 0 vertical / 1 horizontal
+    indicator: # 0 absolute / 1 relative
+    measures: employment
+    findings: men and women increased standard employment contracts with increased unionization; female employment does not decrease
+    channels: increased standard employment contract probability
+    direction: 1 # -1 neg / 0 none / 1 pos
+    significance: 2 # 0 nsg / 1 msg / 2 sg
+
+notes: MISSING EXTRACTION OF DEREGULATION OF TEMPORARY CONTRACTS; FAMILY POLICIES
+annotation: |
+  A study on the effect of trade unionization in European labour markets, with a specific emphasis on its effects on gender inequalities.
+  It finds, first of all, that increased unionization is related to the probability of being employed on a standard employment contract for both men and women.
+  It also finds no evidence that men seem to carry increased benefits from increased unionization, although in combination with temporary contract and family policy re-regulations, men do seem to experience greater benefits than women.
+  At the same time women's employment under standard contracts does not decrease, such that there is no absolute detrimental effect for either gender.
+  It does, however, pose the question of the allocation of relative benefits between the genders through unionization efforts.
+  The study is limited in that, by averaging outcomes across European nations, it can not account for nation-specific labour market contexts or gender disaggregations.

02-data/processed/prelim/Ferguson2015.yml

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+author: Ferguson, J.-P. 
+year: 2015
+title: "The control of managerial discretion: Evidence from unionization’s impact on employment segregation"
+publisher: American Journal of Sociology
+uri: https://doi.org/10.1086/683357
+pubtype: article
+discipline: sociology
+
+country: United States
+period:
+maxlength:
+targeting: implicit
+group: women workers
+data:
+
+design: quasi-experimental
+method:
+sample:
+unit:
+representativeness:
+causal: 1 # 0 correlation / 1 causal
+
+theory: 
+limitations: most of effects may be caused by unsobservables
+observation:
+  - intervention: collective action (unionization)
+    institutional: 0
+    structural: 1
+    agency: 1
+    inequality: gender
+    type: 1 # 0 vertical / 1 horizontal
+    indicator: 0 # 0 absolute / 1 relative
+    measures: employment
+    findings: stronger unionization associated with more women and minorities in management, marginally significant
+    channels: possible self-selection into unionization
+    direction: 1 # -1 neg / 0 none / 1 pos
+    significance: 1 # 0 nsg / 1 msg / 2 sg
+
+notes:
+annotation: |
+  A study on the effects of a more unionized workforce in the United States, on the representation of women and minorities in the management of enterprises.
+  It finds that while stronger unionization is associated both with more women and more minorities represented in the overall workforce and in management, this effect is only marginally significant.
+  Additionally, there are drivers which may be based on unobservables and not a direct effect --- 
+  it may be a selection effect of more unionized enterprises.
+  It uses union elections as its base of analysis, and thus can not exclude self-selection effects of people joining more heavily unionized enterprises rather than unionization increasing representation in its conclusions.