2023-09-28 14:46:10 +00:00
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abstract: 'When the sick, injured, or dying arrive in a hospital - often along with
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family members - they find themselves on an alien landscape. Elderly
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people enter unfamiliar territory as they move from home or hospital
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into a long-term care setting, which may be the first in a series of
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placements for their final years. African Americans have been subjected
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for decades to oppressive urban planning policies, including `serial
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displacement'', which have systematically uprooted and dispersed them,
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their homes, and their places of business and worship. Around the world
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currently, 65 million people are displaced, most trying to escape
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uninhabitable environs involving war, persecution, drought, and famine.
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Some of these migrants and asylum-seekers reside in and around refugee
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camps but many are in urban enclaves or isolated outside them in
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desperately inhospitable conditions. Some are trying to integrate and
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make homes in new countries. Still more people are coming in perilous
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flight from the unfurling effects of climate change. `We are
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place-lings,'' according to Ed Casey, `never without emplaced
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experiences''. Lorraine Code, explaining our social and geographical
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embeddedness and interdependence, describes us as `ecological subjects''.
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By recognizing place, we can deepen our appreciation for the ways in
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which we are radically relational, that is, interdependent with people,
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non-human others, and particular locations. This robust and realistic
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conception of our relational nature and its implications for health and
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ethics deserves more attention. Elsewhere I have argued for `ethical
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place-making'' as morally obligatory for supporting the capability to be
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healthy, or health justice, for ecological subjects. Drawing on this
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conception of persons as creatures situated in specific social
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relations, geographic locations, and atmospheric and material
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environments, here I emphasize the importance of place and argue for an
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ideal and practice of `ethical place-making'' as an essential and,
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indeed, ethically required way of demonstrating and forging future
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solidarity and advancing justice, particularly health justice. The paper
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is organized as follows. In Section 2, I explain what I mean by place
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and examine the relationships, revealed by contemporary research in
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social epidemiology, between place and health. In Section 3, I build on
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the conception of persons as ecological subjects to ground what Carol
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Gould has called `solidaristic recognition'', which, as I will interpret
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it, requires us to reckon with the significance of place in our
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relational nature. I then link solidaristic recognition to the ideal and
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practice of ethical place-making and, in turn, the capability to be
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healthy, that is, health justice. I argue that place-based interventions
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should be principal and prioritized ways of showing solidarity and
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promoting justice - especially health justice - for ecological subjects,
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above all those who are displaced and/or insecurely placed. Where
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solidaristic relations do not prevail, ethical place-making has the
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potential to catalyze and nurture them and, over time, to advance
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justice.
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A full discussion of the complex and contested relationship between
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solidarity and global justice is beyond the scope of what I can expound
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on here; I follow - and present concrete manifestations of - the views
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of Iris Marion Young and Carol Gould in seeing solidarity as having, as
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Gould puts it, a crucial `role not only in motivating people''s
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commitment to the realization of global justice but {[}also]
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contribut{[}ing] to its construction or constitution.'' In Section 4, I
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present examples of ethical place-making inspired by solidaristic
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recognition in a range of domains significant for bioethics - clinical
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and long-term care and urban planning in the United States and
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Netherlands, and refugee care and resettlement in Lebanon and Germany.
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In the cases presented, I describe how the particular elements of
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ethical place-making, emerging from solidaristic recognition, are
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realized, and so support the conditions for the capability to healthy,
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or health justice. Following this discussion, I move on to the
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conclusion. Place `is no fixed thing''. The accounts of geographers,
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philosophers, and some architects emphasize our embodied experience in
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or around place(s), place''s significance for the development of our
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subjectivity and identity, and, finally, the complex social processes
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that help to create, maintain, and transform places (and, in turn,
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bodies and subjectivities). The understanding I follow here defines
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`place'' in terms of the material environment, and how we, as embodied
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beings, move in, absorb, shape and are shaped by it, and how we, as
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social agents, interact with and within it, gather and attach particular
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meanings, and forge relationships and identities. A growing body of
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research in social epidemiology using realist methods explains in
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increasingly rich, if grim, detail the ways in which social conditions
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and features of the external environment, including place-related
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factors, affect health and longevity, and contribute to preventable
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health inequities. We are talking about components of the built
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environment, like land use, housing design, materials and quality,
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street layout and transportation, exposure to toxins, and violence,
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access to food and activity options; and urban design or decline. Air
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and water quality, and access to green space are other place-related
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factors. We should also include climate and the potential in specific
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locations for climate-related disasters in our scope of concern.
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So-called `determinants'' such as these operate independently and
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interactively at various levels and in different contexts to generate
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harms to health and health inequities. On terrain more typical for
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bioethics, clinical and other care settings, as currently configured,
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are notoriously disorienting, anxiety-inducing, and in some ways
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dangerous for physical, psychological, and existential health.
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Researchers have detailed a range of effects of institutional design,
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including the effects of noise and light on recovery times, and the ways
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architecture can shape interactions and experiences. Long-term care
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settings are infamous for poor conditions. A lack of light, private
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space, and access to the outdoors, for example, and isolation from
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broader social surroundings, adversely affect the health of elderly
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people. People fleeing war, persecution, and famine endure desperate
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conditions that threaten health. Many reside in camps (in the form of
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transit camps and official refugee camps, detention centers, etc.
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) while others dwell in slums or other settlements - primarily in urban
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areas - segregated from the majority population. These people suffer
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from a range of complex physical and mental health conditions. Before or
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during transit and in camps and other settings, they face food
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insecurity, risk of communicable disease, fear, violence, loss, and
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other experiences. If there is access to health services it is often
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restricted to acute medical care, and not equipped to adequately address
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chronic or mental health conditions or the social determinants of health
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needs. Migrants and asylum-seeking people thus lack crucial capabilities
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to be healthy. It is not that a relationship between place and health is
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a modern epiphany. Hippocrates'' Airs, waters, and places, the
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epidemiological work of Louis-Rene Villerme and Rudolph Virchow in the
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19th century, and the histories of public health and urban planning, all
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recognized the importance of environmental conditions. The asylums for
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the mentally ill in the late 19th century reveal an attention, if not
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yet evidence-based, for place in care and healing. Inspired by the Moral
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Treatment movement, New Enlightenment intellectuals, and health
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advocates like Dorthea Dix, Thomas Kirkbride established professional
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guidelines on institutional layout and room design for patients. Realist
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methods in social epidemiology, more recently, have deepened our
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appreciation and understanding of the processes at work on our corporeal
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nature, and our entanglement with the world around us. We are situated
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socially, materially, and geographically, and vulnerable as creatures
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who need care and who also need to `fit'' with the places in which we
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dwell and through which we navigate. We are, in short, ecological
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subjects, beings for whom social interdependence and geographic
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locatedness are vital. As I will argue below, health justice, or the
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capability to be healthy, therefore demands thoughtful attention to
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place and the conditions that create and sustain places. In the next
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section, I explain the relationship between recognizing people as
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ecological subjects and the ideal and practice of solidarity.
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Solidarity, as I will define it, refers to reaching out through engaging
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our moral imaginations across social and/or geographic distance and
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asymmetry to recognize and assist others who are vulnerable, in some
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cases, acutely, and, over time, advance justice. As a practice,
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solidarity involves two core `enacted commitments''. The first commitment
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is to engaging our moral imaginations and recognizing others in need, or
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what I will describe below as solidaristic recognition. The second
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commitment is to responsive action. This hybrid definition draws upon
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the inspirational work of Iris Marion Young, Carol Gould, Fuyuki
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Kurasawa, and Prainsack and Buyx, all of whom build upon a long and rich
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history of interpretations of solidarity. Recognizing the suffering of
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the displaced and others who are `implaced'' in conditions unable to
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sustain them follows from the most minimal appreciation of people as
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ecological subjects, relational creatures who are densely enmeshed in
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social relations as well as spatial locations. While my analysis differs
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substantially, to describe this here I use Carol Gould''s term,
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`solidaristic recognition''. Gould distinguishes between what she calls
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`rigorous recognition'' and `generous recognition''.
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Rigorous recognition appreciates the equality of all people through an
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essentially cognitive process involving an acknowledgment of our fellow
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humanity. The generous genre, which she recasts as `solidaristic
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recognition'', involves empathy, or an affective link with others, and
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focuses on our `mutual interdependence and common needs''. Solidaristic
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recognition conceives of others as `equal in their difference'', that is,
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their distinctive social group membership and individual particularity.
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On my own interpretation, solidaristic recognition has two varieties,
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neither of which relies on empathy: basic and relational, responsible
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recognition. If we conceive of people in ecological terms, basic
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recognition (similar to Gould''s `rigorous recognition'') might be
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expanded beyond its appreciation of everyone''s equal moral worth to take
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account of the significance of place for the equitable flourishing of
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all ecological subjects. This most basic form of recognition
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acknowledges that we are equal in part because we all share a need to be
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`in place'' in settings that can sustain us and support our capacities. A
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second, more ethically responsible, form of recognition I will call
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relational solidaristic recognition emerges from reckoning more
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thoroughly with our radically relational nature as ecological subjects.
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This reckoning demands that we conceive of ourselves and others as
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embedded but also that we understand that we are constitutive of one
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another and our environs. Geographers have described this in terms of
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the intersubjectivity of identity and place. In her philosophical
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account of ecological subjectivity, Lorraine Code underscores the idea
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that we are `made by and making {[}our] relations in {[}asymmetrical]
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reciprocity with other subjects and with horizontal ellipsis multiple,
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diverse locations''. Seeing not just identities, but also, critically,
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place in relational terms, highlights `the variety of interactions
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between people who are located differently that go into making places''.
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As Iris Young puts it, we `dwell together'' in `complex, causal''
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relations of interdependence and in specific atmospheric and material
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conditions on earth in geographic regions and neighborhoods, in homes,
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and institutions of care and employment. We ecological subjects, then,
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contribute to the construction of place - often unintentionally -
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through actions and interactions within a larger context of social
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structures and processes. These structures and processes serve to enable
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some people in the realization of their capacities, yet constrain
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others, creating and/or sustaining structural injustice. This is
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evidenced, for example, in urban planning policies that spawn
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residential segregation or global economic and trade policies that
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compel health care workers to migrate and deepen health inequities in
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source countries. While basic solidaristic recognition can allow for or
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has the potential to generate ethical place-making, relational
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recognition understands the ways that our own subjectivities,
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identities, and places of dwelling as ecological subjects are formed in
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relation to other identities in other places and, crucially, that this
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generates responsibilities for justice. It is in this sense that
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relational solidaristic recognition is a more responsible form: it
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appreciates better-situated ecological subjects'' contributions to the
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injustice suffered by the displaced or precariously placed, and aspires
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to respond and work toward promoting justice.
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Responsiveness , an important epistemic and, in turn, ethical capacity,
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is a crucial element for enactments of solidarity in the view I want to
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develop. Both Joan Tronto and Elise Springer assign `responsiveness'' a
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prominent place in their work. Springer situates `responsiveness'' within
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virtue ethics. On her view, it involves a kind of adaptability,
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particularly in unfamiliar moral terrain, or in the face of concerns
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that `resist clear representation''. Springer posits responsiveness as
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also involving a commitment to `extend a temporally continuous thread of
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attention'' or giving one''s moral attention over time, not episodically
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or reactively. Tronto identifies responsiveness as one of four ethical
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elements of care, casting it as a moral capacity that involves vigilance
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`to the possibilities for abuse that arise with vulnerability''. I would
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add another element as integral to responsiveness, drawn specifically
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from ecological epistemology: an ability to show finely tuned
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sensitivity to context, that is, the particularity of people and
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circumstance, and give attention and action that is fitting. Solidarity,
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enacted, should emerge from a disposition committed to responsiveness
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understood in terms of these capacities, if it is to meet the mark. In
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the next section I turn to responsive action that arises from
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solidaristic recognition, in particular, efforts at place-making for the
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displaced. Innovation, inspired by ecological thinking and increasingly
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evidence-based, is underway. `Place-making'' is a set of intentional
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practices spanning different disciplines that targets neighborhoods,
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parks and paths, features of landscape, housing developments,
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streetscapes, long-term care facilities, and hospitals. With and without
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attention to health, it is either referenced explicitly or somehow
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central to key international documents and declarations including the
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Sustainable Development Goals and UN Habitat''s New Urban Agenda. It is
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on the agendas of the World Health Organization (WHO), the US Centers
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for Disease Control (CDC), even the World Bank, some think tanks and
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foundations, and a major US corporation. Public health leaders point to
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place-based interventions as `the new frontier''. In other work I have
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interpreted ethical place-making, a notion that first surfaced in the
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geography literature, as a core component of an enabling,
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capabilities-oriented conception of justice. Grounded in ecological
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thinking and an ecological conception of persons, ethical place-making
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understands all people as embedded socially and spatially, and often
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enmeshed in relationships of structural injustice that threaten health.
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Key elements of ethical place-making include: nurturing relations of
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care and interdependence; protecting bodily integrity; supporting
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autonomy, not interpreted in terms of individual self-reliance, but in
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the relational sense that sees us as originating, persisting, and
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flourishing within relations of care and interdependence, given ongoing
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opportunities for self-directed thought and action; promoting stability
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and a sense of rootedness and, at the same time, supporting generative
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movement; and finally, where necessary, responding to inequities. Below
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I offer selected examples of place-making drawn from a range of domains
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pertinent to bioethics.
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After describing them, I explain why they count as instances of ethical
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place-making inspired by (and potentially generating more) solidaristic
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recognition and how they stand to promote - especially health - justice
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and in some cases address health inequities. I start at the level of
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community and public health with an urban planning example, and from
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there, turn to a clinical and then a long-term care setting. These three
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case studies come from the global north. The final examples explore
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(mostly health-centered) place-making efforts in refugee reception and
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resettlement, sketching innovations in Germany and also Lebanon, a
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country that borders the war in Syria and ranks fourth worldwide as a
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host to refugees. Further research will yield additional instances of
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solidarity and place-making, particularly for health, in other parts of
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the world.
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In {[}a] system of the city as weaving, {[}creating] crosswise threads
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enables solidarity, and fundamental to solidarity is the free system of
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movement horizontal ellipsis `Intentional shrinkage'', `sorting'', and
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`serial displacement'' are terms given to the urban land use and
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`development'' policies that systematically shredded the social and
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material fabric in and around African American neighborhoods in New York
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City. Public health researchers have linked these policies and the
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consequent displacement of families, businesses, churches and more, to
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the AIDS epidemic, addiction, asthma, post-traumatic stress, and
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obesity. Working together, citizens, planners, and researchers responded
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with the Giraffe Path (GP), a 6-mile trail from Central Park to the
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Cloisters. The walking and biking path is a project emerging explicitly
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from the kind of solidarity described above: the recognition of the city
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and its people as ecologically embedded, with enduring health inequities
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as a result of displacements, and responsive action in the form of
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(re)creating place with and for ecological subjects. The GP is based on
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a conception of the city and its neighborhoods and residents as
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interdependent - and is designed to restore connections between formerly
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fractured communities around and across the Harlem River and, at the
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same time, to support outdoor physical activity. The closure of the
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bridge, that had long linked neighbors, as a `crime-prevention'' measure
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for gentrifying neighborhoods, severed (in a pattern repeated in cities
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everywhere) relationships between people according to categories of
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class and race. By (re)connecting places and people and mending - as its
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designers say, `weaving'', `re-stitching'' - the GP helps restore these
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and cultivate new relations. At the same time, as part of the City Life
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Is Moving Bodies (CLIMB) Project, the GP''s creation of flow and
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unimpeded movement is being celebrated as `a victory for the city''s
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entire circulatory system''. The attention paid to (solidaristic
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recognition of) the importance of place for health and most
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significantly, health inequities, in this instance of ethical
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place-making is an exception and not the norm. Urban renewal policies
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and planning tend to prioritize physical, economic, and social issues,
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yet few focus explicitly on health or show concern for health equity.
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Another essential dimension for future solidarity is the potential for
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political engagement generated by the GP.
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As Iris Young argues (and the inset quote implies), segregation obscures
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from the affluent an appreciation of their privilege, and, by limiting
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interaction, constrains political communication. This erodes the
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potential for solidarity and perpetuates social injustice. The GP
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designers aspire to promote solidaristic recognition through
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facilitating new interactions, forging new relations, and evolving as
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ecological subjects.
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We must pay attention to the lived spatial significance of patients''
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experience of health and illness if we are going to treat them fully and
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well. Doing so is one step of paying attention to a person horizontal
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ellipsis The terrain and overall ambience of the clinical setting is
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famously hostile to non-medical people, notably the ones it exists to
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serve. Place-centered innovation in hospitals and other centers of care
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is a growing niche, recognizing the harms done to ecological subjects -
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here patients and their families - in the `care'' of institutions built
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as medical assembly lines organized around time until discharge or
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demise. One neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) at the Royal United
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Hospital in Bath, U.K., recognizes the importance of place for the
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health and well-being of vulnerable ecological subjects and puts into
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practice a concept known as `secure base'', which wraps around patients
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and families `like a hug''. The unit''s design also demonstrates
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solidarity with them in recognizing the effects of typical clinical
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settings and, in contrast, boasts lots of natural light, greatly reduced
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noise, private nooks, and a horseshoe-shape design that reflects the
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progression a newborn will take from intensive care to a neonatal room.
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In this case of ethical place-making, innovators aim to create a habitat
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that nurtures overlapping relations of care wherein babies sleep longer,
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and parents are perhaps a little less distressed, and more able to
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participate in care and interact with clinical care providers. As noted
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above, the structure of this temporary dwelling enables families to
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better understand, through their embodied experience, the clinical
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pathway the infants will follow until discharge, which in turn likely
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gives a boost to their sense of agency and empowerment and helps to
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level the playing field with clinicians. Designed by a long-term care
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nurse in response to her observations and experience of existing
|
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institutions, Hogeway Village accommodates elderly people with dementia
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in a setting meant to resemble a real European neighborhood. It has a
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market, cafe, salon, theater, sidewalks, and ample green space.
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Different models, tailored to appeal to specific social and cultural
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groups, are available. Staff engage with residents without clinical garb
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and simultaneously provide skilled care. Family members are integrally
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involved in care plans. Hogeway is built to protect yet not restrict,
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allowing residents a wide range of movement and access to the outdoors.
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The availability of palliative care ensures that residents do not have
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to relocate at the end of life, which allows for continuity of care and
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relationships. Another benefit is that family members need not navigate
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new terrains, or settings, of care or transportation as elders'' needs
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evolve. Emerging research on long-term care settings designed more like
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homes and communities suggests that residents are more socially engaged
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and active, and experience better overall `well-being''.
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Preliminary evidence also suggests that integrating families in care can
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improve relations with care workers, as well as resident care and
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health.
|
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European cities and regions have demonstrated their horizontal ellipsis
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willingness to express solidarity with horizontal ellipsis the world''s
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refugees via participation in resettlement. Solidarity is at the moral
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center of humanitarian action, and place-making by other names has long
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been integral to humanitarian operations. From an emphasis on emergency
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and temporary assistance, humanitarians have expanded the scope and
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practice of `solidarity'' given the nature of current conflicts and the
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creation of dependencies that may lead to more sustained commitments.
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Their work now increasingly overlaps with development efforts to bolster
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host countries'' capacities to receive, resettle, and integrate
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asylum-seekers and other migrants for the long term. Solidarity, indeed,
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|
is the basis of commitments to refugee resettlement in international
|
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|
humanitarian law. In 2004, the Mexico Plan of Action to Strengthen
|
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International Protection of Refugees in Latin America (MPA), which
|
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encompassed regional responsibility sharing, the expansion of
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resettlement space, reception capacity, and long-term integration,
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highlighted solidarity as a guiding principle for support of refugees
|
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from Columbia and their host countries. Northern Europe has been the
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|
preferred destination for refugees from Syria and other places where war
|
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|
has driven people from their homes. Germany, especially its cities,
|
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hosts more recent asylum-seekers than any other EU nation. Urban areas
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have absorbed two-thirds of the world''s refugees and now face the work
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of integration. The region offers myriad examples of efforts in ethical
|
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place-making spawned by solidaristic recognition. In both Hamburg and
|
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Berlin, organizing around place has been a key strategy in welcoming and
|
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|
helping to integrate new arrivals. In Berlin, city planners have
|
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employed a strategy of creating container villages to help refugees feel
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secure and foster a sense of embeddedness-in-community. While
|
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formalized, state-administered efforts have unfolded, citizen volunteers
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have designed innovative responses to link refugees with needed
|
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|
services, helping to integrate them and provide a sense of place. The
|
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|
|
coordinated state and civil society effort, in particular, is an
|
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|
|
inspiring example of politically and socially constructed solidarity,
|
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|
supported and advanced by what Christine Straehle calls a `cosmopolitan
|
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|
avant-garde'' of citizens. Hamburg is also innovative in linking services
|
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|
across sectors like food, shelter, education, work skills, and legal
|
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advice, appreciating the importance of integrating services for those
|
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who have endured profound dispersion and fragmentation. The city
|
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addressed housing needs by redesigning existing buildings and engaged
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local communities in deciding on locations in order to help ensure a
|
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welcoming, safe environment and avoid the possibility of local
|
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neighborhood resistance. The countries, such as Jordan, Lebanon, and
|
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Turkey that serve as the principal hosts to refugees fleeing Syria,
|
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Afghanistan, and elsewhere, are organizing around so-called `resilience''
|
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|
strategies, which aim at bolstering host countries'' capacities to accept
|
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|
and integrate asylum-seekers and other migrants for the long-term. This
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|
management philosophy deserves more sustained discussion. I highlight
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|
here another civil society initiative involving ethical place-making.
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|
In Lebanon during the war (1975-1990) public spaces were among the most
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|
dangerous places. Now they serve as temporary shelter areas for migrants
|
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|
and refugees displaced from neighboring conflict who face fear,
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|
discrimination, and violence in their new environs. In this context, one
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architect saw an opportunity: `I thought by promoting place-making in
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Lebanon we can join the efforts of local {[}civil society] actors, since
|
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|
horizontal ellipsis place-making is based on networking and bringing
|
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|
people together.'' With his guidance, youth in Beirut participated in
|
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|
identifying and recreating public spaces with the aims of reducing
|
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|
violence, promoting inclusion, interaction, and community-building.
|
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|
Along with place-making for the sake of social integration, place-based
|
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|
|
interventions in healthcare services are surfacing in response to
|
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|
|
contemporary migration patterns. Adapting to the mobility of many
|
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|
|
displaced people who are, not accessing services in camps, for instance,
|
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|
|
humanitarian and local actors have reorganized healthcare delivery. The
|
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|
|
Blue Dot Hubs developed by UNHCR and partners to provide care and
|
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|
|
services to people en route are a specific example of a response - a
|
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|
|
place-making intervention to `changing therapeutic geographies'' in
|
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|
|
modern crises. In the context of resettlement, interventions focused on
|
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|
|
the creation of `therapeutic landscapes'' aim specifically at displaced
|
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children as they resettle in new countries. Through recultivating
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cultural traditions, building social networks, and creating safe places,
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young people can create new homes. These examples depict different modes
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of displacement and distinct populations situated in specific kinds of
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settings and in particular - yet in all cases asymmetrical - relations
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of power. In each case, responsive action, keenly sensitive to context,
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emerges from solidaristic recognition, either basic or relational. In
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some cases it aims explicitly at justice. We can see specific elements
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of solidarity-sparked ethical place-making across cases. Support for
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relations of care is at the heart of the efforts made in the Bath NICU
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and Hogeway Village designs, and also in the GP and initiatives for
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refugees. Attention to the need for rootedness and movement is
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manifested in these civil society efforts to welcome and create
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material, social, economic, and political space for refugees; it is also
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an organizing principle for the GP, Hogeway, and Bath''s NICU.
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Transformative autonomy is evident in the GP, the therapeutic landscape
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projects, Hogeway, and the NICU. Attention to inequities, especially
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health inequities, motivates the GP and Blue Dot Hubs. In all, the
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creators - architects, designers, planners, carers, and citizens -
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recognize the `users'', let us say `dwellers'', as ecological subjects and
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respond with concerned attention to their distinctive needs, in real
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time and over time with the aim of supporting their capabilities,
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chiefly to be healthy, and in some cases to remedy injustice. I have
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argued that recognizing all people as ecological subjects enables us,
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indeed compels us, to forge relations of solidarity and promote justice
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through ethical place-making with those who are vulnerable through their
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insecure relationship to place.
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On the moral landscape(s) of bioethics, an ethic of place-making
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expresses and has rich potential for nurturing bonds of solidarity along
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with advancing health, social, and global justice with patients and
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families, elderly people transitioning to long-term care, urban
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populations confronting health inequities, asylum-seekers dwelling in
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precarious conditions, and perhaps others. The author declares no
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conflict of interest. Casey, E. (2009). Getting back into place: Toward
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a renewed understanding of the place-world. Bloomington, IN: Indiana
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University Press, p. 321. Code, L. (2006). Ecological thinking. New
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constraints preclude a more elaborate discussion of how my account is
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pillar of protection: Solidarity resettlement for refugees in Latin
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sustainable local integration measures and identity-creating borough
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Martin, C. (2016). Designing homes to welcome refugees. Lancet,
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388(10050), 1150. Straehle, C. (2009). Politically constructed
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solidarity: The idea of a cosmopolitan avant-garde. Contemporary
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Political Theory, 9(1), 22-32. Bellamy, C., Haysom, S., Wake, C., \&
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Barbelet, V. (2017). The lives and livelihoods of Syrian refugees: A
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study of refugee perspectives on their institutional environment in
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for Peacemaking in Beirut. (2017) . An interview with Rony Al Jalkh. The
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City at Eye Level. p. 6.
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acemaking-rony.pdf. UNICEF. (2016). UNHCR, UNICEF launch Blue Dot hubs
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to boost protection for children and families on the move across Europe.
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Available at: http://www.unicef.org/media/media\_90316.html?p=print me.
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Dewachi, O., Skelton, M., Nguyen, V. K., Fouad, F. M., Sitta, G. A.,
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the Iraqi and Syrian wars. Lancet, 383, 449-457. Denov, M., \& Akesson,
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B. (2013). Neither here nor there: Place and place-making in the lives
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of separated children. International Journal of Migration, Health \&
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Social Care, 9(2), 56-70; Sampson, R., \& Gifford, S. M. (2010).
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Place-making, settlement, and well-being: The therapeutic landscapes of
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recently arrived refugee youth. Health and Place, 16, 116-131.
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INTRODUCTION PLACE AND HEALTH: ECOLOGICAL SUBJECTS ECOLOGICAL
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SUBJECTIVITY AND SOLIDARITY Solidaristic recognition Responsiveness
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SOLIDARITY (AND HEALTH JUSTICE) ENACTED: ETHICAL PLACE-MAKING Community
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and public health Care settings Refugee assistance and integration The
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elements of ethical place-making CONCLUSION CONFLICT OF INTEREST
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Footnotes Drawing on a conception of people as `ecological subjects'',
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creatures situated in specific social relations, locations, and material
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environments, I want to emphasize the importance of place and
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place-making for basing, demonstrating, and forging future solidarity.
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Solidarity, as I will define it here, involves reaching out through
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moral imagination and responsive action across social and/or geographic
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distance and asymmetry to assist other people who are vulnerable, and to
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advance justice. Contained in the practice of solidarity are two core
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`enacted commitments'', first, to engaging our moral imaginations and
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recognizing others in need and, second, to responsive action.
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Recognizing the suffering of displacement and responding through
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place-making should follow from even the most simplistic understanding
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of people as `implaced''. Recognition, furthermore, that places are
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created and sustained, transformed, or neglected in ways that foster or
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perpetuate inequities, including health inequities, generates
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responsibilities concerning place-making. Place-based interventions, on
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either count, should be principal and, indeed, prioritized ways of
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showing solidarity for the vulnerable and promoting justice. Where
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solidaristic relations do not prevail, place-making can catalyze and
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nurture them, and over time advance justice. On the moral landscapes of
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bioethics, the terrain where care and health are or should be at the
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center of attention, an ethic of place and place-making for those who
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have been displaced - patients, the elderly, urban populations, and
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asylum-seekers, for instance - expresses and has rich potential for
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nurturing bonds of solidarity.'
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affiliation: 'Eckenwiler, L (Corresponding Author), George Mason Univ, Dept Philosophy,
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4400 Univ Dr, Fairfax, VA 22030 USA.
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Eckenwiler, Lisa, George Mason Univ, Dept Philosophy, 4400 Univ Dr, Fairfax, VA
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22030 USA.'
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author: Eckenwiler, Lisa
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author-email: leckenwi@GMU.EDU
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author_list:
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- family: Eckenwiler
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given: Lisa
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da: '2023-09-28'
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doi: 10.1111/bioe.12538
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eissn: 1467-8519
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files: []
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issn: 0269-9702
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journal: BIOETHICS
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keywords: 'displacement; justice; migrants; migration; place-making; refugees;
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solidarity'
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keywords-plus: HEALTH; CARE; PLACEMAKING; REFUGEES
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language: English
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month: NOV
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number: 9, SI
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number-of-cited-references: '77'
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pages: 562-568
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papis_id: f15f38f4529d552d42b6385f067b69de
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ref: Eckenwiler2018displacementsolidari
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researcherid-numbers: 'Baldissera, Annalisa/AHD-6334-2022
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Marques, Isabel Cristina/P-8319-2019
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Leung, Wing Yin/HLW-3074-2023
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Fazli, Ghazal/AAE-8320-2022'
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times-cited: '33'
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title: 'Displacement and solidarity: An ethic of place-making'
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2023-10-01 08:15:07 +00:00
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type: article
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2023-09-28 14:46:10 +00:00
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unique-id: WOS:000450332600004
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usage-count-last-180-days: '147'
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usage-count-since-2013: '2205'
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volume: '32'
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web-of-science-categories: Ethics; Medical Ethics; Social Issues; Social Sciences,
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Biomedical
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year: '2018'
|