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feat(script): Shorten collective bargaining

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@ -420,38 +420,49 @@ and is not able to account for people or households moving to new dwellings.
### Collective bargaining
@Alexiou2023 study the effects of both political orientation of governments' parties and a country's trade unionisation on its income inequality.
They find that, generally, strong unionisation is strongly related to decreasing income inequality, most likely through a redistribution of political power through collective mobilization in national contexts of stronger unions.
It also suggests that in contexts of weaker unionisation, post-redistribution income inequality is higher, thus also fostering unequal redistributive policies.
Lastly, it finds positive relations between right-wing orientation of a country's government and its income inequality, with more mixed results for centrist governments pointing to potential fragmentations in their redistributive policy approaches.
The study is mostly limited in not being able to account for individual drivers (or barriers) and can thus not disaggregate for the effects for example arbitration or collective bargaining.
@Alexiou2023 take a macro-level perspective and investigate the impact of governmental party political orientation and trade unionisation levels on income inequality across countries.
The findings indicate a negative correlation between strong unionisation and income inequality,
attributed to enhanced political power redistribution via collective action in national contexts of powerful unions.
Regions with weak unionisation have higher income inequality post-redistribution,
also generally indicating a propensity towards uneven redistributive policies.[^alexious-rightwing]
@Dieckhoff2015 undertake a study on the effect of trade unionisation in European labour markets, with a specific emphasis on its effects on gender inequalities.
It finds, first of all, that increased unionisation is related to the probability of being employed on a standard employment contract for both men and women.
It also finds no evidence that men seem to carry increased benefits from increased unionisation alone,
although in combination with temporary contract and family policy re-regulations, men can experience greater benefits than women.
At the same time women's employment under standard contracts does not decrease, such that there is no absolute detrimental effect for either gender.
It does, however, leave open the question of the allocation of relative benefits between the genders through unionisation efforts.
The study is limited in that, by averaging outcomes across European nations, it can not account for nation-specific labour market contexts or gender disaggregations.
[^alexious-rightwing]: The study observes a positive association between right-leaning governments and income inequality, whereas centrists exhibit varied outcomes, hinting at possible inconsistencies in their redistributive strategies. However, the study can not directly identify the causal factors within these relationships.
@Cardinaleschi2019 study the wage gap in the Italian labour market, looking especially at the effects of collective negotiation practices.
It finds that the Italian labour market's wage gap exists primarily due to occupational segregation between the genders, with women often working in more 'feminized' industries, and not due to educational lag by women in Italy.
It also finds that collective negotiation practices targeting especially managerial representation and wages do address the gender pay gap, but only marginally significantly.
The primary channel for only marginal significance stems from internal heterogeneity in that only the median part of wage distributions is significantly affected by the measures.
Instead, the authors recommend a stronger mix of policy approaches, also considering the human-capital aspects with for example active labour-market policies targeting it.
@Ahumada2023, taking the opposite approach,
explore how imbalanced political power distributions affect the availability and strength of collective labor rights.[^ahumada-approach]
Generally, they concur that contexts characterized by significant power disparities weaken opportunities for collective bargaining,
primarily due to either more restricted or disregarded labour rights coupled with less deeply rooted trade unionism.
In contrast, well establishes unionism curtails employers' lobbying efforts and make them susceptible to governments' divide-and-conquer strategies,
being more separate and less coordinated.
@Ferguson2015 conducts a study on the effects of a more unionised workforce in the United States, on the representation of women and minorities in the management of enterprises.
It finds that while stronger unionisation is associated both with more women and more minorities represented in the overall workforce and in management, this effect is only marginally significant.
Additionally, there are drivers which may be based on unobservables and not a direct effect ---
it may be a selection effect of more unionised enterprises.
It uses union elections as its base of analysis, and thus can not exclude self-selection effects of people joining more heavily unionised enterprises rather than unionisation increasing representation in its conclusions.
[^ahumada-approach]: The study employes a mix of quantitative global comparisons and qualitative analyses more specifically focused on Argentina and Chile. Thus, the strong institutional context of the two countries provides an analytical background which makes its qualitative analysis more difficult to generalize the quantitative findings.
@Ahumada2023 on the other hand create a study on the effects of unequal distributions of political power on the extent and provision of collective labour rights.
It is a combination of quantitative global comparison with qualitative case studies for Argentina and Chile.
It finds that, for societies in which power is more unequally distributed, collective bargaining possibilities are more limited and weaker.
It suggests that, aside from a less entrenched trade unionisation in the country, the primary channel for its weakening are that existing collective labour rights are often either restricted or disregarded outright.
Employers were restricted in their ability to effectively conduct lobbying, and made more vulnerable to what the authors suggest are 'divide-and-conquer' strategies by government with a strongly entrenched trade unionisation, due to being more separate and uncoordinated.
A limit is the strong institutional context of the two countries which makes generalizable application of its underlying channels more difficult to the overarching quantitative analysis of inequality outcomes.
Focusing on the intersection between collective organisation and gender more specifically,
@Dieckhoff2015 examine the influence of trade unionisation on gender inequalities within European labour markets.
The study establishes a positive link between unionisation rates and the likelihood of standard employment contracts for both genders.
While it finds no direct advantage for men solely through increased unionisation,
analysis in combination with temporary contracts and family policy reforms sees men experiencing greater benefits than women.
There is no absolute detrimental effect for either gender as women's employment in standard contracts remains stable, however,
it may be one factor towards an increase in relative inequality for women which would agree with the findings of @Davies2022.[^dieckhoff-limit]
[^dieckhoff-limit]: The study's causal explanatory power is limited somewhat by its aggregate approach across countries precluding analysis for nation-specific labour market contexts or to disaggregate the gender findings.
@Cardinaleschi2019 investigate turn to collective organisation's effects on the gender wage gap in Italy.
They identify occupational segregation as the principal cause of wage disparity as opposed to educational inequalities,
with women predominantly working in more 'feminized' industries.
While collective bargaining practices specifically targeting managerial representation and wages show some reduction in the wage gap,
the impact is only marginally significant.[^cardinaleschi-msg]
The authors suggest a stronger mix of policy approaches such as including human capital development through well targeted active labour market policies.
[^cardinaleschi-msg]: The marginal significance primarily stems from internal heterogeneity which only significantly affects the median part of wage distributions while the rest remains insignificant.
@Ferguson2015 specifically examines the relationship between unionisation and the representation of women and minority groups in management positions within U.S. companies.
It finds that while stronger unionisation is associated with higher representation of both in management and in the overall workforce,
the effects are only marginally significant.
Further, the study acknowledges potential confounding factors, such as selection biases,
should more union-friendly enterprises attract individuals who support diversity.[^ferguson-limit]
[^ferguson-limit]: The study bases its analysis on union elections, and thus can not exclude self-selection effects of people joining more heavily unionised enterprises rather than unionisation increasing representation.
### Workfare programmes