feat(script): Add first gender annotations

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Marty Oehme 2023-12-07 11:06:10 +01:00
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@ -593,6 +593,49 @@ This section will present a synthesis of evidence from the scoping review.
The evidence will be presented by type of policies and world regions.
The section will also present a discussion on the implications of the current evidence base for policy and underscore key knowledge gaps.
Since policies employed in the pursuit of increased equality can take a wide form of actors, strategy approaches and implementation details,
the following synthesis will first categorize between the main inequality (or combination of inequalities) a policy is aimed at improving.
## Gender inequality
Gender inequality is the second most reviewed dimension of workplace inequality in the study sample,
with a variety of studies looking at predominantly it through the lens of female economic empowerment or through closing gender pay gaps.
<!-- economic empowerment and wage gap -->
In an observational study looking at the inclusive or exclusionary effects of infrastructure development, @Stock2021 analyses the 'gender inclusive' development of a solar park in India which specifically aims to work towards micro-scale equality through regional uplifting.
The project included a training and temporary employment to local unskilled/semi-skilled labour.
It finds that the development instead impacted equality negatively, creating socio-economic exclusion and disproportionately negatively affected women of lower castes.
While acquiring basic additional skills, none of the women participating in training remained connected to the operators of the solar park and none were hired.
An insignificant amount of women from local villages were working at the solar park, of which most belonged to the dominant caste, and the redistributive potential was stymied through capture by village female elites.
The author suggests this is an example of institutional design neglecting individual agency and structural power relations, especially intersectional inequalities between gender and caste.
The study is limited in explanatory power through its observational design, not being able to make causal inferences.
<!-- maternal intersection, children -->
A variety of studies also look at female economic empowerment outcomes through a more generational lens,
focusing on the effects of interventions aimed at maternity support ---
childcare programmes, paid leave and maternity benefits.
@Broadway2020 study the introduction of universal paid maternal leave in Australia, looking at its impacts on mothers returning to work and the conditions they return under.
It finds that, while there is a short-term decrease of mothers returning to work since they make use of the introduced leave period, over the long-term (after six to nine months) there is a significant positive impact on return-to-work.
Furthermore, there is a positive impact on returning to work in the same job and under the same conditions,
the effects of which are stronger for more disadvantaged mothers (measured through income, education and access to employer-funded leave).
This suggests that the intervention reduced the opportunity costs for delaying the return to work, and especially for those women that did not have employer-funded leave options, directly benefiting more disadvantaged mothers.
Some potential biases of the study are its inability to account for child-care costs, as well as not being able to fully exclude selection bias into motherhood.
There also remains the potential of results being biased through pre-birth labour supply effects or the results of the financial crisis, which may create a down-ward bias for either the short- or long-term effects.
@Clark2019 undertake an experimental study on the impacts of providing childcare vouchers to poor women in urban Kenya, estimating the impacts on their economic empowerment.
The empowerment is measured through disaggregated analyses of maternal income, employment probability and hours worked.
It finds that, for married mothers there was a significantly positive effect on employment probability and hours worked, suggesting their increased ability to work through lower childcare costs increasing personal agency.
For single mothers, it finds a negative effect on hours worked, though with a stable income.
The authors suggest this is due to single Kenyan mothers already working increased hours compared to married mothers, though the effect shows the ability of single mothers to shift to jobs with more regular hours, even if they are not compatible with childcare.
Minor limitations of the study are its restriction to effects within a period of 1 year, and a somewhat significant attrition rate to the endline survey.
@Hojman2019, in an experimental study looking at the effects of providing free childcare for poor urban mothers in Nicaragua under the 'Programo Urbano', examine the effects on inequality for mothers and children.
It finds that providing free childcare for young children of poor mothers significantly increases the employment probability of the mothers (14ppts) independently of the childcare quality.
It also finds significantly positive impacts on the human capital of the children, though dependent on the quality of childcare facilities.
This suggests childcare costs being removed through a quasi-subsidy reducing the required childcare time burden on mothers, increasing parental agency and employment choices.
Some limitations to the study include a relatively small overall sample size, as well as employment effects becoming insignificant when the effect is measured on randomization alone (without an additional instrumental variable).
# Conclusion
The section with conclude with reflections on the implications of findings for policy.